The purpose of this paper is to describe proposals for reform of low-income housing assistance that will alleviate poverty without increasing public spending. Low-income housing assistance is fertile ground for such reforms. The majority of current recipients are served by programs whose cost is enormously excessive for the housing provided. Phasing out these programs in favor of the system’s most cost-effective program would ultimately free up the resources to provide housing assistance to millions of additional people (Olsen 2014).
This paper estimates the effects of alternative reforms of the current system of low-income housing assistance on the number of people of various types who would receive assistance. The reforms are designed to eliminate the system’s substantial inefficiencies, inequities, and bias against homeownership. All would replace HUD’s largest low-income housing programs with alternative tenure-neutral housing voucher programs that serve all eligible families that apply for assistance. Most cost less than the current system.
This report quantifies child and orphan poverty in the Kingdom of Swaziland during 2001 and 2010. Poverty is understood as consumption (monetary) poverty and not asmultidimensional deprivation. Child and orphan poverty indicators are based on the Swaziland Household Income and Expenditures Survey (SHIES). Additional indicators for teen-aged men and women are calculated from the Multiple Cluster Indicator Survey (MICS). Secondary literature is also addressed. Child poverty and teen-age indicators have not been previously undertaken.
Using data from multiple sources, over the 1976-2010 period, I show that total mortality has shifted from strongly procyclical to being only weakly related or unrelated to macroeconomic conditions. The association also shows some temporal instability and is likely to be poorly measured when using short (less than 15 or 20 year) analysis periods. The secular change in the association between macroeconomic conditions and overall mortality primarily reflects trends in effects for specific causes of death, rather than changes in the composition of total mortality across causes.
Significant scholarship indicates that female legislators focus their attention on “women’s issues” to a greater extent than do male lawmakers. Yet, women’s issues have thus far been largely selected by scholars ex ante, often without comparison to other issues. We instead define women’s issues in terms of those sponsored at a greater rate by women in Congress over a thirty-year period. This analysis reveals that most (but not all) of the classically considered women’s issues are indeed raised at an enhanced rate by congresswomen. We then track the fate of those issues, demonst
We introduce experimental research design to the study of policy diffusion in order to better understand the micro-foundations of when and why policymakers seek to learn from one another’s experiences. Our two experiments, embedded in national surveys of U.S. municipal officials, expose local policymakers to vignettes describing the zoning and home foreclosure policies of other cities, and offer them an opportunity to learn more.
We argue that simultaneous political campaigns for different offices are best viewed neither as individual isolated races nor as homogenous national tides. Rather, campaigns are complex, strategic, evolving, and interrelated. We apply the event history analysis tools commonly used in the study of policy diffusion to examine issue adoption across U.S.
The Obama Administration has made a major investment in comparative effectiveness research (CER) to learn what treatments work best for which patients. CER has the potential to reduce wasteful medical spending and improve patient outcomes, but the political sustainability of this initiative remains unclear due to concerns that it will threaten the doctor-patient relationship. An unresolved question is whether it is possible to boost public support for the use of CER as a cost control strategy.
Discusses the different cultures of Congress and the intelligence community, and the role these cultures play in shaping relations. Argues that many in the intelligence community fail to build strong relationships with lawmakers responsible for intelligence oversight, and that keeping Congress apprised is essential to sustaining popular support for intelligence community activities. Warns that the expanding role of the intelligence community in drone strikes abroad threatens to provoke Congressional backlash in the future.
On October 1, 2008, Congress enacted a proposal that originated with President George W. Bush in 2005 to approve an unprecedented nuclear trade pact with India by removing a central pillar of US nonproliferation policy. Despite the numerous political challenges confronting the Bush administration, the initiative won strong bipartisan support, including votes from Democratic Senators Joseph Biden, Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama.